world 7 min read

Xi-Absent at BRICS, But Showing Up for Trump

China's foreign ministry has formally announced Xi Jinping's state visit to the US starting September 23 — days after he skipped a BRICS dinner over reported health concerns. The contrast tells the real story.

  • Artificial Intelligence
  • Trade
  • Geopolitics
  • Diplomacy
  • US-China Relations

The Headline Is Not the Story

China’s foreign ministry announced on Monday that Xi Jinping will travel to the United States for a state visit from September 23 to 25, invited by President Donald Trump. The language was unusually emphatic: spokesperson Guo Jia Kun called the visit a “historical milestone,” noting that mutual head-of-state visits within a six-month window have never happened before. Western diplomatic observers noted the phrasing carried weight — this is the kind of language reserved for moments both sides want to frame as turning points, not routine engagements.

But the real story is what happened three days before the announcement, in a city where no cameras were pointed directly at the moment that mattered most.

The BRICS Absence

On September 20, Xinhua reported that Xi did not attend a BRICS summit dinner, citing “health reasons.” Multiple Korean outlets picked up the story with variations suggesting rumors of illness. The wording was careful — official Chinese media never used the word “sick” — but the pattern was unmistakable. A leader who has projected physical stamina for decades, climbing mountains and swimming in public appearances, suddenly steps away from a group dinner hosted on Chinese soil. The absence was brief; he reappeared at the formal BRICS session the following morning, but the initial dodge had already seeded speculation.

Then, on September 21, the foreign ministry drops the state visit announcement. Two days later, he boards a plane.

The most charitable reading: Xi was recovering from a minor illness and chose to announce the trip only after stabilizing. The less charitable one: the BRICS dinner was low-stakes optics, while the Washington visit is genuinely high-stakes diplomacy. When you’re feeling fragile, you don’t skip the friendly event and rush toward the confrontation. The sequencing itself becomes a signal — one that Beijing’s opponents will read carefully and its allies will interpret through their own anxieties about leadership continuity.

Either way, the timing matters. China is controlling the narrative around a leader whose vitality has been an open question since his last public appearance, and the window between the BRICS absence and the Trump announcement was narrow enough to suggest calculation rather than coincidence.

The Real Negotiations Already Started

While the headline grabs attention, the actual work began earlier in the week. On September 20, in New York, Vice Premier He Lifeng met with US Treasury Secretary Bessent. The discussions covered trade and artificial intelligence — two of the most fraught topics in the bilateral relationship, and two areas where concrete progress would matter more to markets and security establishments than any summit photograph.

This is not ceremonial diplomacy. He Lifeng is one of China’s most technocratic policymakers, the person who actually manages economic strategy and has been described in leaked documents as the architect of Beijing’s industrial policy pivots. His presence in New York ahead of the summit signals that the US and China intend to move beyond photo-ops and into operational details. Both sides know that if He Lifeng and Bessent cannot agree on a framework, the leaders will have nothing substantive to sign — and neither side wants to arrive at a summit with empty hands.

Japanese sources are already connecting the dots between the AI dialogue and rare-earth negotiations, noting that Beijing holds significant leverage on critical minerals while Washington controls advanced chip exports. Neither side has an incentive to make those conversations public before they’re ready, but the very fact that they are happening in parallel suggests a bargain is being woven — one that could redefine the terms of technological competition for years.

European traders in particular have begun positioning ahead of potential shifts. Shanghai commodity desks reported unusual activity in rare-earth futures late last week, and Singapore-based logistics firms quietly adjusted shipping routes for materials that typically move through Chinese ports. These are small movements, but they are the kind that precede large announcements.

What Trump Gains, What Xi Gains

For Trump, a state visit from the Chinese president is a domestic political trophy. It reinforces the narrative of personal diplomacy overriding institutional friction — exactly the brand he’s cultivated through years of transactional political messaging. The “historical milestone” framing the foreign ministry deployed is also useful for him: it suggests he has achieved something institutional channels could not, which is precisely the claim he needs to sustain his base.

For Xi, the calculus is different but equally strategic. China’s economy is slowing, its property sector remains distressed, and its tech sector faces sustained US export controls that have clipped the wings of companies like Huawei and SMIC. A constructive meeting with Trump offers a chance to stabilize trade relations, buy time on technology restrictions, and project normalcy internationally at a moment when Chinese leadership dynamics are being closely watched by allies and rivals alike. Every year without a visible summit increases the risk that external actors begin to treat Beijing’s posture as erratic or unreliable — a risk Xi cannot afford.

The phrase “world peace and development” in the foreign ministry’s statement is deliberate code. It signals that both sides expect to discuss Ukraine, the Middle East, and potentially North Korea — issues where China has more leverage than Western capitals typically admit. Moscow still depends on Beijing for economic survival, and Pyongyang’s survival instinct ties it to China more tightly than any other relationship. Neither leader will publicly concede that ground, but the subtext of every sentence in the announcement is that both men have more to discuss than tariffs.

Why Japan Is Watching Closely

The source article’s sidebar includes a reference to Japanese officials being excluded from a security conference in Beijing. That exclusion was notable enough to warrant coverage, and it arrived against a backdrop of growing Tokyo anxiety about being sidelined in great-power negotiations. Japan is caught between the US alliance and economic dependence on China, and it is increasingly aware that Washington and Beijing are making bilateral deals without Tokyo’s input — deals that will shape the regional order regardless of Japanese consent.

A Xi-Trump summit that produces trade concessions or AI governance frameworks will reshape the regional order regardless of whether Japan agrees. The timing — coming just months after the G7 and multiple Asia-Pacific forums — suggests both leaders are prioritizing their direct relationship over multilateral consensus-building. For Tokyo, the implication is stark: the architecture of Asian security may be redrawn without its seat at the table.

India, too, is recalculating. New Delhi has cultivated a narrative of strategic autonomy between the two giants, but a closer US-China alignment on trade or AI governance would leave India isolated in a way it has not experienced since the 1962 border war. Indian policymakers have reportedly requested urgent briefings from their Washington counterparts, signaling that the BRICS absence and the Trump invitation have triggered a broader reassessment across capital cities that assumed the great-power rhythm was predictable.

What Comes Next

The summit runs September 23–25. If He Lifeng and Bessent have made progress on trade or AI, some of that could be elevated to the leader level. A joint statement mentioning cooperation on artificial intelligence risk reduction would be significant — it would represent the first formal acknowledgment between the two governments that unchecked AI development poses shared dangers, a framework that could gradually expand to include other technologies and create norms both sides can enforce on their own soil.

Rare earths remain the quieter wildcard. China dominates the processing chain for minerals critical to defense and technology industries, and any signal that Beijing is willing to use that leverage as a bargaining chip — or conversely, that Washington is offering relief on tariffs in exchange for supply-chain guarantees — would send immediate ripples through global markets. Defense contractors in the United States have already begun stress-testing their inventory assumptions against the possibility of disrupted mineral access, while Chinese processors are evaluating whether to lock in long-term contracts with non-American buyers as insurance.

The foreign ministry’s choice of the word “milestone” is not accidental. Whatever emerges from these three days in Washington, both sides want the world to believe something historic is happening. The question is whether the substance matches the language — or whether history is being manufactured for a camera, as these things often are.

One thing is clear: the leader who skipped a BRICS dinner is now preparing to shake hands with Trump. The reasons for that change of pace are worth watching far more closely than the press pool will capture, because the gap between what was avoided and what is being pursued reveals more about where Beijing’s interests真正 lie than any joint statement ever could.